The first May Day Marches in Manchester

On 1 May 1892 Manchester workers marched for the first time in a mass labour demonstration for a shorter working week and an independent political voice. It was part of a worldwide movement as unskilled workers organised in mass trades unions and Socialism developed a mass political following.

May Day was instituted as an international Labour Day from 1890 onwards. The impetus came in part from a long-running campaign to reduce the working day to 8 hours. In September 1866 the International Workingmen’s Association (otherwise known as the First International) meeting in Geneva passed a resolution adopting 8 hours as a goal. In October 1884 the Federation of Organized Trades & Labor Unions of the United States and Canada also passed a resolution calling for an 8 hour day from 1 May 1886.

In May 1886 tens of thousands of workers responded across the United States. The most militant city was Chicago, where on 3 May the police shot dead six strikers at the McCormick Harvesting Machine Company. In response strikers organised a massive rally the following day at Haymarket Square. The rally was peaceful but as it ended somone threw a bomb into police ranks. This was followed by a savage battle in which a number of police died, as well as members of the crowd. There was a political show trial of a number of anarchists, of whom four were convicted and hanged. They become known as the Haymarket Martyrs.

On 14 July 1889 the Second International meeting in Paris called workers around the world to march on 1 May 1890 for an 8 hour day.

The Congress decided to organize a great international demonstration, so that:

“in all countries and in all cities on one appointed day the toiling masses shall demand of the state authorities the legal reduction of the working day to eight hours, as well as the carrying out of other decisions of the Paris Congress. Since a similar demonstration has already been decided upon for May 1, 1890, by the American Federation of Labor at its Convention in St. Louis, December, 1888, this day is accepted for the international demonstration. The workers of the various countries must organize this demonstration according to conditions prevailing in each country.”

This coincided with a new mood amongst unskilled workers, hitherto ignored or excluded by the trades union movement, which had largely organised skilled male workers only. In July 1888, for instance, women workers at the Bryant & May match factory in East London went on strike and won with the support of Socialists. The following year there was a massive dock strike in London involving thousands of dock labourers, which brought the miles of docks to a halt. The result was victory for the workers leading to higher pay, better working conditions and a new union for unskilled workers, The Dock, Wharf, Riverside & General Labourers Union. The strike was led by trade unionists and Socialists including Tom Mann, John Burns, Ben Tillett and Will Thorne.

For the first time Socialist ideas were getting a mass audience. John Burns wrote of the importance of the dispute after it had been won:

“Still more important perhaps, is the fact that labour of the humbler kind has shown its capacity to organize itself; its solidarity; its ability. The labourer has learned that combination can lead him to anything and everything. He has tasted success as the immediate fruit of combination, and he knows that the harvest he has just reaped is not the utmost he can look to gain. Conquering himself, he has learned that he can conquer the world of capital whose generals have been the most ruthless of his oppressors.”

On May Day 1890 there were strikes and marches in many part of the United States and Europe. Frederick Engels wrote:

“As I write these lines, the proletariat of Europe and America is holding a review of its forces; it is mobilized for the first time as One army, under One Bag, and fighting One immediate aim: an eight-hour working day, established by legal enactment…. The spectacle we are now witnessing will make the capitalists and landowners of all lands realize that today the proletarians of all lands are, in very truth, united. If only Marx were with me to see it with his own eyes!”

The London march to Hyde Park was huge, with perhaps 100,000 attending. Engels wrote an account in the newspaper Arbeiter Zeitung:

“There can be no doubt about that: on May 4, 1890, the English working class joined the great international army. And that is an epoch-making fact. The English proletariat has its roots in the most advanced industrial development and, moreover, possesses the greatest freedom of political movement. Its long slumber — a result, on the one hand, of the failure of the Chartist movement of 1836-50 and, on the other, of the colossal industrial upswing of 1848-80 — is finally broken. The grandchildren of the old Chartists are stepping into the line of battle.”

The success in London was repeated in 1891 and Manchester followed with its own march in 1892.

On 16 April 1892 The Clarion reported that a “a great labour demonstration” was being planned for Manchester for 1 May. Trade union and labour societies were requested to communicate with Mr James Quinn at the County Forum, 50a Market Street. (The County Forum was a debating society). Organising meetings were to be held every Thursday.

On the day before the march Robert Blatchford wrote a millenarian editorial in The Clarion:

“The people will meet , that is the main thing. We shall see each other face to face, feel each other should to shoulder, hear each other voice to voice, trust each other soul to soul and we shall go away open-eyed and conscious of a change. we shall have felt our strength, imagined our numbers, seen as a vision of the world the golden dawn streak of the day of our deliverance, and our triumph. Manhood suffrage and payment of members! What are these? They are as candles to the sun in comparison with the new LABOUR DAY. …Our labour day as bind us as corn in the sheaf. The sturdy miner, the skilful engineer, the broad-handed navvy, the white-fingered artist, the lusty farmer, the fragile seamstress, the outcasts of the streets, the despised denizens of the slums, the sweater’s slave the hearty sailor. Strong and weak, feeble and brave, old and young, simple and wise, the workers shall band themselves together in fraternity and freedom. They shall march on from this labour day growing ever wiser, nobler and juster until there is honour for those who make more than those who mar, reward for those who labour better than for those who loaf, until snobbery and prejudice, and theft and butchery are banished into the Hell they came from; until Labour shall hold that which it wins, and England shall be the freehold and the home and inheritance of the English.”

The procession was to assemble in Stevenson Square at 2.30pm and march to Alexandra Park by way of Oldham Street, Piccadilly, Portland Street, Oxford Street, Stretford Road, Great Jackson Street, Preston Street, Moss Lane and Alexandra Road. The order of procession was advertised as follows

The Manchester Fabian Societies
Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants
Bakers & Confectioners
The Labour Church
Shirt & Jacket Makers
Salford Social Democrats
North East Manchester Labour Electoral
Spindle & Flyer Makers
Horsehair & Fibre Workers
Dressers, Dyers & Finishers
Enginemen & Cranemen
Navvies & Bricklayers
North Manchester Labour Electoral

According to the report in the Manchester Guardian, a white ensign headed the procession with the slogan “Work for all, Overwork for None”. Other banners stated “Unity is Strength” and “Equality by Right, Justice to All”. Members of the Labour Church carried a banner stating “God Is Our King” while the Social Democratic Federation contingent carried red flags and a red cap on a pole (the symbol of the French Revolution).

Due to the numbers the procession moved off before the appointed time and was enlivened by at least a dozen bands. The Manchester Guardian noted that watching crowds, especially women, cheered the mottos in favour of the 8 hour day. In Hulme the march was greeted by large crowd and “something like the fervour of enthusiasm”. The march reached the park at about 4pm with at least 60,000 people now present.

At the park there were six platforms with a mix of trade union and Socialist speakers who advocated the following political programme;
1. Formation of an Independent Labour Party
2. Payment of MPs
3. Shorter Parliaments
4. Adult suffrage
5. Nationalisation of the land.

On one of the platforms Robert Blatchford moved the following resolution:

“That this meeting recognises that the establishment of a working day of not more than 8 hours is the most immediate step towards the ultimate emancipation of the workers and urges upon the Government the necessity of fixing a working day by legislative enactment.”

One of the platforms was reserved for Jewish speakers who spoke in Yiddish, including Mr Wess from London. This platform was chaired by Mr R Abrahams, who said that he hoped that next year Jews would be more numerous. There do not seem to have been any women speakers and women’s suffrage was not included as an aim.

In 1893 Manchester Council tried to stop the march taking place, turning down an application from 35 trades unions to use Alexandra Park. According to a report in The Clarion, the Corporation Parks Committee had deemed it:

“inadvisable that Sunday demonstrations should be held in the public parks and considers that unless desired by a considerable section of the Manchester citizens they should not be permitted. This meeting believes the present application is not of such a nature to warrant such permission and therefore declines to grant it.”

Leonard Hall, chair of the demonstration committee, wrote to The Clarion to state that the march was a labour demonstration open to all and not an Independent Labour Party or Socialist demonstration. After more public protests, permission to use the park was eventually granted.

Manchester was alive with Socialist organisations and activity. In the week before the 1893 march The Clarion carried notices for meetings of the Independent Labour Party in various parts of Manchester and Salford as well as a “gigantic” excursion to Morecambe on Whit Friday, the Social Democratic Federation, Hyde Labour Club, Ashton ILP, Oldham Independent Labour Club, North Manchester Fabians and Manchester Anarchist Group who held public meetings every Sunday in Stevenson Square. Joe Waddington (known as “Clarion” Joe) sold The Clarion, Labour Prophet, Labour Leader, Workman Times, Shafts, A Paper for Women and “Socialistic” literature from his shop at 4a Crown street, Chester Road. The Manchester Labour Press was based at 59 Tib Street.

The march took place on 6 May leaving from Stevenson Square at 2.30pm. The Clarion reported that it had been attended by 20,000. In his editorial Blatchford attacked the “city fathers” who had tried to stop them using the park and the Chief Constable who had deployed very large numbers of police who were threatening to the crowd, pushing people off pavements.

In 1894 the authorities refused to allow the use of Alexandra Park and instead the march went to Philips Park in Openshaw. The tradition of May Day marches continued for a century until it ceased in the wake of trade union decline and defeat. In recent years the tradition of a May Day labour procession has been revived although the numbers attending are at present but a fraction of those attending in the early years.

Article by Michael Herbert.

Jim Larkin, James Connolly and the 1913 Free Trade Hall meeting

On 16 November 1913 a historic meeting took place at Manchester’s Free Trade Hall in support of the Dublin Lockout, a huge industrial and social struggle which had brought the city of Dublin to a halt. The meeting was addressed by the leaders of the strike, Jim Larkin and James Connolly, and other trade unionists. The hall was packed and thousands gathered in the streets outside.

The last years before the First World War have often portrayed as lost age of peace, social harmony and long drowsy summers swept away by the cataclysm of war. Nothing could be further from the truth. Edwardian society was shaken to its roots by the militant campaign for votes for women, the growth of mass trade unionism and the rise of Irish nationalism which sought independence from Britain.

On of the most significant episodes was the Dublin Lockout of 1913. The lockout began on 26th August after William Murphy, owner of the Dublin United Tramways Company, sacked 100 men for joining the Irish Transport and General Workers Union which, under the leadership of Jim Larkin, had organised most of the unskilled workers in Dublin. Murphy was determined to keep the union off the trams. The temperature was raised when the police began attacking strikers’ demonstrations, killing one man and injuring hundreds. Other employers locked out ITGWU members and by early September some 25,000 workers were on the cobbles. Delia Larkin and Constance Markiewicz organised a vast relief operation to feed strikers and their families from their base in Liberty Hall, the union headquarters.

Larkin had been born of Irish parents on 21st January 1876 in Cumberland Street, Liverpool. At the age of 17 he joined the Independent Labour Party and, after a year away at sea, became a regular worker at the south end of the docks, rising by 1903 to the much sought after position of foreman dock porter and acquiring the nickname “The Rusher” for the pace at which he worked his men. He neither smoked nor drank, nor accepted bribes to give men jobs. Outside work he was an active socialist and became involved in trade unionism after a bitter and unsuccessful thirteen week strike in June 1905 at the end of which Larkin had emerged as a charismatic strike leader with the ability to address large crowds and inspire the union membership. He was quickly taken on by the union as a paid organiser working in Scotland and Ireland until he was sacked in 1908 after a strike in Cork.

The leader of the union Jimmy Sexton, a former Fenian, now feared that Larkin’s activities in Ireland would bleed the union dry. It was also a political conflict. Sexton believed in making gains for the working class within the status quo and indeed eventually became MP for St. Helens in 1918. Larkin’s ultimate objective was to organise the working class for social revolution. In response to his dismissal Larkin now set up the Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union and fought the NUDL for the waterfront workers in Ireland.

On Sunday 14th September Larkin paid a brief visit to Manchester to speak at an afternoon meeting at Alexandra Park, organised by the Manchester & Salford Trades and Labour Council to protest against events in Dublin. He was not billed to appear as a speaker but an unofficial announcement had been made a few days earlier. Soon after the chair Tom Fox (President of the Trades Council) and other speakers had ascended the platform Larkin appeared in the crowd and was immediately recognised (despite his latest “disguise,” a shaven top lip) and invited onto the platform.

Mr Partridge from the Dublin Trades Council spoke first, declaring that the troubles in Dublin arose not from a strike or simple lock-out, but from a conspiracy between the representatives of the government and the employers to smash trade unionism. He denounced “the drunken frenzy” of the police and, after mentioning some specific cases of brutality, produced from his breast pocket a broken truncheon which, he said, had been shattered on the head of an unoffending citizen and which, he added grimly, the man who used it would not need again for some time to come.

Speaking next Larkin apologised for his intrusion without notice and added that, in spirit, he was still across the channel. He was full of confidence. “When William Martin Murphy and his hired thugs set out to make good their boast that they will beat Larkinism they will fail because to beat Larkinism is to beat the race to which I belong…..I have a divine mission to make men and women discontented, and no one can stop me carrying on the work for which I was born.”

He denounced Murphy, Carson, Redmond and the TUC amongst others and announced that he was out for revolution, “…..they can only kill me and there are thousands more coming after me”. At the end of his speech Larkin said he was immediately returning to Dublin. Alf Purcell moved a resolution protesting against the brutality of the Dublin police and demanding an enquiry into their conduct which was carried to the accompaniment of cheers.

Larkin returned to Manchester on 26th September to send off the steamer Hare with 250 tons of provisions for starving families, in the company of Keir Hardie of Labour Party Fame, Jimmy Sexton and others. He was jailed for sedition in Dublin on 27th October, but released after just 17 days, following protests in Ireland and Britain by leading figures such as Sylvia Pankhurst and George Bernard Shaw. Impatient with the lack of support shown by the British TUC, Larkin and Connolly toured Lancashire in November, calling for more action to support the struggle in Ireland.

On 16th November they spoke in Manchester, accompanied by the leading American socialist Big Bill Haywood with support from the Labour MP Ben Tillett. Before the meeting they visited the Socialist Clarion Cafe on Market Street (where their picture was taken) then walked to the Free Trade Hall which was packed with five thousand people with thousands more standing in the street in the rain unable to get in.

“The working class of Dublin is being slowly murdered” James Connolly told the audience. Connolly had been born in Edinburgh in 1868, his parents emigrating from County Monaghan. He served 7 years in the British army and became a Socialist in 1889 whilst back in Scotland. Moving to Dublin he founded the Irish Socialist Republican Party in 1896. He spent some time in the United States before returning to Ireland to work with Larkin in the ITGWU. He had incidentally visited Manchester several times before in the early years of the century to give lectures on Socialism.

Connolly was followed by Jim Larkin spoke to the packed hall for an hour. The Manchester Guardian described the working-class orator in action. “Larkin is something over forty years of age. His plentiful hair is a dusky grey, and over his forehead, until, disarranged by the straying of his fingers, it stands out like the peak of a cap… Standing with a light poise, turning sharply from side to side, gesticulating with outstretched arms frequently but with restraint, speaking with great vehemence and often with anger he carried the conviction of sincerity.”

After the meeting he drove in a closed car through the crowds to a nearby speaking pitch, then got out and spoke again to several thousand people, publicly challenging his enemies. “Who am I? I am James Larkin, son of James Larkin, the son of Barney Larkin of County Armagh. Ask my accusers for yourselves. Send them over to face me in Dublin.”

The dispute ended in early 1914 “as a drawn battle” in the words of Connolly. In its aftermath it left a politicized working-class in Dublin conscious of its strength. It also led to the formation of the Irish Citizen Army, a workers’ militia originally set up by Connolly to defend people from police violence but which now continued to train and drill after the strike with a membership of a thousand and which played a major role in the Easter Rising in 1916. Larkin went to the United States in late 1914 and did not return to Ireland until 1923. Connolly was shot by a British Army firing squad on 12th May 1916. He was seated in a chair, having been badly wounded during the Rising.

Article by Michael Herbert